March 2004

Views expressed are those of the authors, not necessarily of the AFSC.

Nonviolent Struggles Build Autonomous Zones in Chiapas

Luc Davidson Schuster is a former AFSC-NH Youth Organizer who recently returned from Chiapas.

"Civil Society - Neutral Zone" Tzajalukum, Chiapas.Photo: Jeremy Nelson, www.rtfcam.org

In 1930 Mahatma Gandhi led the famous Salt March to the sea. This nonviolent action went beyond traditional forms of protest by employing a constructive program, a concept that was central to Gandhi's philosophy of nonviolence. In this case, the march was constructive because, rather than simply decry the British monopoly on salt, the Indian protesters productively defied their colonizers by illegally making salt of their own.

Central to the indigenous Zapatista movement in Chiapas, Mexico is the concept of autonomy. After almost 500 years of colonial and neocolonial rule in Mexico, the Zapatistas, in the spirit of previous indigenous uprisings, rose up to wrest control over their communities. Though this uprising is commonly thought of as a violent revolution, the Zapatistas' success in maintaining autonomy from the Mexican government has depended in large part on their use of nonviolent tactics, particularly through employing their own constructive program. This program of constructing alternatives comes in the spirit of one of Gandhi's unique strengths - the ability to articulate and act out alternatives. The Zapatistas now have an entirely separate state structure in place. They have established schools, clinics, weaving and shoemaking cooperatives, and a decentralized government structure headed up by five different Juntas del Buen Gobierno, or Committees of Good Government. These Juntas provide a unique challenge to the political authority of mestizo politicians in Mexico City who have historically exercised power from afar. The Zapatistas went from protesting a mal gobierno to constructing a new buen gobierno for themselves.

Ten years ago, the Zapatista Army for National Liberation (EZLN) violently confronted their cultural and economic colonizers by seizing the tourist town of San Cristobal and forcing large ranchers off of indigenous land. The initial fighting lasted only twelve days and although much violence has since rained down from both the Mexican military and hired paramilitaries there has been little or no armed response by the Zapatistas since January 12, 1994.

Over the past ten years, the Zapatistas have deliberately invested their time and energy into cultivating grassroots democracy among indigenous people and broadening their base of support throughout international civil society. Each of the community organizations in the Zapatista-controlled territories is designed with the primary goal of empowering the indigenous population.

The weaving and shoemaking projects are all run cooperatively by the participating craftspeople; the schools and health clinics across Chiapas are run by indigenous promotores; and the governing Juntas del Buen Gobierno make decisions by consensus with members rotating on and off every fifteen days. The Juntas were designed to turn power over to civil governance from the military.

Because they incorporate extreme forms of consensus decision-making down to the most grassroots level, these structures have the potential to create a society that is truly by and for the people.

The work inside autonomous Zapatista communities has been done alongside strong international support. In order to deter military and paramilitary incursions, international human rights observers have maintained a constant presence in many of the autonomous communities over the last ten years. The schools and clinics are funded, for the most part, by donors worldwide, and the shoemaking and weaving cooperatives depend almost entirely on the support of "Zapatourists," foreign activists who visit Zapatista communities. Beyond gaining material support, the Zapatistas have also won over the hearts and minds of many internationals through the use of poetry, Internet communiqués, and other creative forms of mass communication.

It is important to acknowledge that in addition to the obvious tension between the ideal of nonviolence and the militant force used during the first twelve days of January, 1994, there are other aspects of Zapatismo that don't jibe with most philosophies of nonviolence. Nonviolence demands respect for all human life no matter your position in a particular conflict. While women do enjoy some meaningful power in the autonomous communities, scarcely any women serve on the Juntas del Buen Gobierno and traditional gender roles go largely unchallenged.

In addition to the subjugation of women within the movement, the Zapatistas have not always respected the humanity of their adversaries, such as the mestizo ranchers who were expelled during the first days of the uprising. Meaningful autonomy cannot exist in Chiapas without respect for all voices involved in the conflict, within indigenous communities and without.

In addition to affirming the equal worth of all human life, nonviolence is based in grassroots democracy and the peaceful communication of ideas. It must also foster creative alternatives. But most of all, nonviolence requires active resistance to systems of oppression.

So much of this is evident in the Zapatista movement for autonomy that it is unfortunate for media attention to focus on the EZLN and the gun-toting image of Subcomandante Marcos. The initial uprising was indeed violent, and the Zapatistas continue to do things that at times make pacifists uncomfortable, but will this forever taint our image of the overwhelmingly successful Zapatista uprising in Chiapas and prevent us from learning from it? The indigenous Zapatistas are deeply proud of the new society they are creating and we should share in their celebration of it.

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