| September 2003
American Friends Service Committee Peacework Magazine Patrica Watson, Editor Sara Burke, Assistant Editor Pat Farren, Founding Editor 2161 Massachusetts Ave. Telephone number: Fax number:
pwork@igc.org Peacework has been published monthly since 1972, intended to serve as a source of dependable information to those who strive for peace and justice and are committed to furthering the nonviolent social change necessary to achieve them. Rooted in Quaker values and informed by AFSC experience and initiatives, Peacework offers a forum for organizers, fostering coalition-building and teaching the methods and strategies that work in the global and local community. Peacework seeks to serve as an incubator for social transformation, introducing a younger generation to a deeper analysis of problems and issues, reminding and re-inspiring long-term activists, encouraging the generations to listen to each other, and creating space for the voices of the disenfranchised. Views expressed are those of the authors, not necessarily of the AFSC. |
Short Takes
& Human Costs of U.S. Empire Oct. 10 - 11 Simmons College, Boston MA To register: Send $30 payable to AFSC (memo "10/10 conference"), 2161 Mass. Ave., Cambridge MA 02140
Scholarships available
Co-sponsored by:
For more information:
Lawrence Reichard, Stockton, CA
The Bush administration is in trouble,
possibly big trouble. Thanks to the massive pressure exerted by
an unprecedented global peace movement, the administration was
forced to lie its way into its keenly desired war with Iraq. And
now US soldiers are being killed at a rate of one or more a day
in a country that is supposed to be pacified and was supposed
to welcome us with open arms. Meanwhile unemployment is at 6.4%,
the highest rate in nine years; the federal deficit is at record
levels; states are hemorrhaging red ink; schools are getting hammered;
seniors can't pay for their prescriptions; and the number
of Americans without health insurance continues to climb precipitously.
But most importantly, questions
are being asked. Real questions. For the first time since Bush
took office. What did you know and when did you know it kinds
of questions. Serious questions.
Did the Bush administration lie
and doctor evidence to make its case for war with Iraq? Those
kinds of questions. They are being asked in the halls of Congress
and in editorial board rooms.
These are the kinds of questions
that can, over time, bring down an administration, and they can
wipe out for 20-30 years the ability of the White House to lie
its way into another war.
But these questions cannot survive
in a vacuum void of vigorous public support. The peace movement
and the public in general must continuously, persistently, and
energetically demand answers to these questions. Answers must
be demanded in letters to members of Congress and to editors,
and in meetings with members of Congress and editorial boards.
This is how administrations are stopped from lying their way into
war. If these questions are not afforded vigorous public support,
they will wither and die.
It can be done. The peace movement
has power. In 1964 Lyndon Johnson won what was then the biggest
landslide in US presidential elections, and little more than three
years later Johnson was forced to bow out of his race for re-election
because of the war in Vietnam and because of the peace movement.
Apply that to a president who lost the popular vote by 500,000.
It can be done.
Michael True, Worcester, Massachusetts
Extending the peacemaking community,
i.e. "building the muv-mint," is a constant challenge.
So it's always encouraging to discover thoughtful, imaginative
approaches to achieving that goal. The July Presbyterian Peacemaking
Conference in Asheville, North Carolina, is a concrete model of
what religious institutions can do to help build a peace culture.
Acknowledging the wisdom of Dorothy Day's statement, "No
one has a right to sit down and feel hopeless. There's too
much work to do," peace activists, along with over 500 church
members from throughout the country, took up the challenge by
focusing on "what must be done."
"A Force More Powerful: Embracing
Jesus' Way of Nonviolence," the conference title taken
from the powerful film about successful nonviolent movements throughout
the 20th century, questioned and confronted the ways in which
individuals and institutions put their trust in domination and
violence to bring about justice and peace. In plenary sessions,
Walter Wink, a biblical scholar, and June Keener Wink, an artist,
also offered concrete examples of resistance to the domination
system, in referring to the life of Jesus and to recent "grass
roots eruption of diverse nonviolent strategies." In their
view, the domination system will change only when people address
the invisible, inner, and spiritual forms, as well as the visible,
outer, and physical forms of domination.
Relying on the biblical exegesis
in his important book, Violence and Nonviolence in South Africa
(1985), Walter Wink showed how Jesus' teaching in the New
Testament about turning the other cheek and walking the extra
mile, advocated nonviolent resistance, rather than acquiescence.
Throughout the conference, the intergenerational
gathering focused on the interconnections between faith and witness
or peace "within and without," in workshops and discussion
groups facilitated by Christian Peacemakers from Israel and Colombia,
nonviolence trainers from Fellowship of Reconciliation, Presbyterian
Peacemaking staff from the United Nations Office, and mission
personnel teaching in Croatia. These activists showed how the
Domination System is often sustained by the myth that violence
in redemptive, and how specific strategies of nonviolent social
change offer realistic alternatives to the violence of the status
quo.
The conference was, in fact, a model
of what churches and religious institutions might do to make the
connection between their religious traditions and strategies for
social change, based upon the teachings of Jesus and active nonviolence
associated with Gandhi and Martin Luther King, as well as the
theoretical and strategic insights of Gene Sharp. Roger Powers,
editor of the indispensable volume, Protest, Power, and Change:
An Encyclopedia of Nonviolence from ACT-UP to Women's Suffrage
(1995), a former associate of Gene Sharp's and now a Presbyterian
minister in Oakland, California, directed the proceedings.
Traditional peace churches (Friends,
awake!) may recognize that various institutions are now outrunning
them in peace-building initiatives, and begin to reach out to
various communicants and evangelicals. One can hope other Christian
bodies might follow the lead of Presbyterians in sponsoring similar
conferences and activities. Martin Luther King said that Jesus
provided the inspiration and Gandhi provided the method for nonviolent
social change, thereby offering a solid foundation for building
whaRabbi Michael Lerner has called "a politics of meaning."
Refuseniks at Home & Abroad
"Refuseniks" is the
term coined in Israel for those who are willing to serve in the
Israeli Defense Forces, but who refuse to participate in Israel's
occupation of Palestinian territory.
Statement from Stephen Funk
My name is Stephen Funk. I am a
Marine Corps reservist who spoke out against the invasion of Iraq.
Now I am being charged with desertion, even though I returned
to my unit after completing an application for discharge as a
conscientious objector. My military court date is scheduled for
[mid-Sept.] here in New Orleans and I am facing two years in the
brig.
I spoke out so that others in the
military would realize that they also have a choice and a duty
to resist. On base I've been harassed a few times. Some
people have told me I'm a traitor, a coward, and unpatriotic.
I have also had a few death threats. However, I have also received
tremendous positive feedback, even from some of the enlisted people.
As my commanding officer explained to the press, "The Marine
Corps understands there are service members opposed to the war."
I am certainly not alone.
For Stephen Funk's full
statement or to make a contribution toward the expenses of
his legal defense, contact the Stephen Funk Legal Defense Fund,
1230 Market St. #111, San Francisco CA 94102
Israeli Refusenik Writes to Stephen
Funk
Dear Stephen,
Your trial is set to begin soon.
Mine has already begun so maybe I can give you a few pointers.
Look the judges in the eyes. Use
every opportunity you have to explain why you stand there. They
are human just like you, but they try to deny it to themselves.
Don't let them. War is shit and they know it. They should
let you go and they know it.
It's likely that we'll
both get thrown in prison when this all ends. There will be dark
moments in prison, moments when it seems that the outside world
has forgotten all about us, that what we did and refused to do
was in vain. Well, I know what I'll do in those moments:
I'll think of you, Stephen, and I'll know that nothing
we do for humanity's sake is ever in vain.
With greatest solidarity,
For the full text of this letter,
see www.znet.org
Peace Center in East Jerusalem
Under Threat of Demolition
From an Aug. 20 bulletin of the
Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions (www.icahd.org/eng)
On August 19, the Beit Arabia work
site in East Jerusalem was visited by a representative of the
Civil Administration (Israeli military government of the West
Bank), accompanied by several police officers and soldiers in
combat gear. The Director of the site, Devorah Brous, was informed
that our building activities were illegal. She responded by inviting
the armed men to join us for lunch which was then being served.
The police officer declined. Then the representative from the
Civil Administration entered the building and removed a generator
and one window which he put in his van. A receipt was written
for the confiscated items and Devorah was invited to go to the
police station with them to be given a demolition order.
It should be noted here that all civil demolitions are banned
under the Road Map.
Devorah declined to go to the police station and the police and
army then left the camp. It was decided to invite more activists
to spend the night and for others to come in the early morning
when most demolitions occur. However the night was uneventful
and work continues today with the building about 95% complete.
Bernie Sanders Talks to Alan Greenspan
House Financial Services Committee,
Question for Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan
from Rep. Bernie Sanders (Vermont-Independent), July 15,
2003, transcribed from www.c-span.com
SANDERS:
Mr. Greenspan, I have long been
concerned that you are way out of touch with the needs of the
middle class and working families of our country. That you see
your major function in your position as the need to represent
the wealthy and large corporations, and I must tell you that your
testimony today only confirms all of my suspicions, and I urge
you-and I mean this seriously-because you're an honest
person, and I think you just don't know what's going
on in the real world. And I would urge you, come with me to Vermont.
Meet real people. The country clubs and the cocktail parties are
not real America. The millionaires and billionaires are the exception
to the rule.
You talk about an improving economy
while we have lost three million private sector jobs in the last
two years. Long term unemployment has been tripled.
Unemployment is higher than it has
been since 1994. We have a four trillion dollar national debt.
1.4 million Americans have lost their health insurance.
Millions of seniors can't afford
prescription drugs. Middle class families can't send their
kids to college because they don't have the money to do
that. Bankruptcy cases have increased by a record-breaking 23%.
Business investment is at its lowest
level in more than fifty years. CEOs make more than 500 times
what their workers make. The middle class is shrinking. We have
the greatest gap between the rich and the poor of any industrialized
nation.
And this is an economy that is improving?
I'd hate to see what would happen if our economy was sinking.
Now today, you may not have know
this-I suspect that you don't-but you have insulted tens
of millions of American workers. You have defended over the years,
among other things, the abolition of the minimum wage-one of your
policies-and giving huge tax breaks to billionaires. But today
you reached a new low, I think, by suggesting that manufacturing
in America doesn't matter. It doesn't matter where
the product is produced. We lost two million manufacturing jobs
in the last two years alone. Ten percent of our work force. Walmart
has replaced General Motors as the major employer in America,
paying people starvation wages rather than living wages and all
of that does not matter to you? Doesn't matter! If it's
produced in China where workers are making 30 cents an hour, or
produced in Vermont where workers could make twenty bucks an hour-it
doesn't matter!
You have told the American people
that you support a trade policy which is selling them out, only
working for the CEOs who can take our plants to China, Mexico
and India.
You insulted Mr. Castle. Mr. Castle,
a few moments ago, a good Republican, told you that we're
seeing not only the decline of manufacturing jobs, but white collar
information technology jobs. Forrester Research says that over
the next 15 years, 3.3 million US service industry jobs and $136
billion in wages will move offshore to India, Russia, and to China
and the Phillipines.
Does any of this matter to you?
Do you give one whit of concern to the middle class and working
families of this country?
That's my question.
GREENSPAN:
Congressman, we have the highest
standard of living in the world.
SANDERS:
No we do not. You go to Scandinavia
and you will find that the people have a much higher standard
of living in terms of education, health care, and decent paying
jobs. Wrong, Mr. Greenspan.
GREENSPAN:
May I answer your question?
SANDERS:
You sure may.
GREENSPAN:
Thank you. For a major industrial
country, we have created the most advanced technologies, the highest
standard of living for a country of our size.
Our economic growth is crucial to
us. The incomes, the purchasing power of our employees, our workers,
our people, are by far more important than what it is we produce.
I submit to you-may I?-that the major focus of monetary policy
is to create an environment in this country which enables capital
investment and innovation to advance. We are at the cutting edge
of technologies in the world. We are doing an extraordinary job
over the years, and people flock to the United States. Our immigration
rates are very high, and why? Because they think this is a wonderful
country to come to.
SANDERS:
That is an incredible answer.
Overcoming Powerlessness: One Small,
but Significant Step You May be Able to Take
Don Lathrop
is Professer Emeritus at Berkshire Community College, Pittsfield,
MA, where he teaches in its Peace and World Order Studies program.
Did you ever wonder what your local
bank(s) do with the money they have on deposit? I decided to inquire
and compare the banks in town. My particular concern was to find
out if any of the banks either loaned to or invested in any corporation
that, at least in part, was involved in the arms industry. This
is because my wife and I do not wish to collect interest that
in any way come from an industry which profits by manufacturing
items designed to take the lives of fellow human beings.
There were six local banks listed
in our yellow pages. A simple phone call to two of them revealed
that, while most of their business is local, they do have some
financial dealings with some major corporations which are involved
in the arms industry. I appreciated their forthrightness. Next,
I found a credit union and a cooperative bank that were free of
such contacts and whose primary customers were small businesses
and folks taking out home mortgage and car loans, etc.. There
was a fifth bank which had only a small branch office on the other
side of town. This left only the bank we had been using for over
45 years. A call there met with a refusal to answer my question
about whether or not they did business with any corporations involved
with the arms industry. Further inquiries in person at the bank
ended up in being passed up the line a couple of times until we
were told we had to address our question in writing to the president
of the bank. This we did and we had no response until exactly
two months had transpired. By this time we had concluded that
the bank was not going to answer our question and we began to
move our funds to the credit union and the co-operative bank.
When the letter from a Senior Vice President of our bank finally
arrived, it was not note-worthy for its clarity and we had no
regrets about moving our funds.
This is not the end of the story.
Decades ago, we owned a very modest amount of shares of stock
in a few firms which did business with the military. We sold those
stocks and reinvested in other securities, plus a "socially
responsible" mutual fund with no involvement in the arms
industry. As a result of thinking about what banks do with their
money, we realized that the dividends or interest payments we
received from any investments we held went into the bank which
owned the brokerage firm we used and accumulated there until we
wanted them or decided to invest them. This, we realized, left
whatever funds we had accumulated for the use of a massive bank,
with a morally despicable record and we therefore arranged for
any interest or dividend payments to be sent directly to us rather
than residing in this bank. This had the further benefit of highlighting
any brokerage fees so we were made more aware of them. The decision
was a good one for us and our lack of confidence in that bank
was verified not long after when it was fined $400 million dollars
for, among other things, giving false investment information to
its customers through its brokerage division.
To finish this part of our little
saga, it was much to our surprise when we made all these moves,
that we now had both a savings and a checking account which pay
somewhat more interest than our original bank provided and much
more interest than the bank owning the brokerage firm we've
been using.
We suggest others concerned about
the possibility of unknowingly profiting from the arms industry,
or supporting multinational corporations involved in various forms
of exploitation, get on the phone and inquire about the use of
their money by their bank and compare this with other options
available for their funds. This can be an easy first step to action
and may be a source of some surprises. Just the act of showing
banks that there are customers who care where their funds are
utilized is a good opportunity for education.
One Giant Step for the Corporate
Accountability Movement
Patti Lynn is
Campaign Director for Infact, a corporate accountability
organization that has been challenging Philip Morris/Altria and
the tobacco industry for a decade.
Early projections indicate that
President Bush may raise a quarter of a billion dollars to finance
his re-election campaign. It is hard to say what is more astonishing,
the number itself, or the unabashed influence that corporate supporters
have over this administration. On everything from laws that protect
our environment to US foreign policy, corporations have tainted
the decision-making process.
Discouraging stories on corporate
abuse dominate the papers while the successes of people fighting
for a better world are often relegated to the back pages. However
the global effort to rein in the abuses of Big Tobacco reminds
us that unprecedented changes in favor of people and the environment
are still possible.
Working alongside allies across
the globe for ten years, the corporate accountability organization
Infact has involved millions of people worldwide in pressuring
Philip Morris/Altria to stop marketing tobacco to children and
interfering with public policy. Today, we celebrate the adoption
of the world's first public health treaty.
In late May, the 192 countries of
the World Health Assembly unanimously adopted the Framework Convention
on Tobacco Control (FCTC)--a major milestone in the history
of public health and corporate accountability. One of the FCTC's
most groundbreaking provisions is a ban on tobacco advertising,
promotion, and sponsorship. The treaty will also protect public
health policy from interference by tobacco corporations, giving
governments the right to prioritize the health of their citizens
over trade and commercial interests. Thus, the treaty establishes
important precedents for other abusive industries. In recognition
of this victory, Infact has lifted its Boycott of Philip Morris/Altria's
Kraft Foods.
Twenty eight countries, including
South Africa, Thailand, Brazil, and Iran, signed the FCTC on the
first day it was open for signature at the World Health Organization
Headquarters in Geneva, Switzerland. Since the opening ceremony,
twelve more countries have signed. On June 30, the FCTC opened
for signature at the UN Headquarters in New York City, raising
a major outstanding question: When will the US sign and ratify
the world's first public health treaty?
As home to Philip Morris/Altria,
the world's largest and most profitable tobacco corporation,
the US has a particular responsibility to play a lead role in
the fight to curb the global tobacco pandemic. However, Philip
Morris/Altria is a leading contributor to the Republican Party.
Furthermore, the US has increasingly isolated itself from the
global community on issues of enormous humanitarian and environmental
consequence. There is a clear pattern in recent history of the
US negotiating down treaties to the lowest common denominator,
then failing to support international agreements such as the:
Kyoto Protocol, Persistent Organic Pollutants Treaty, Basel Convention,
Biosafety Protocol, Convention on the Rights of the Child, Protocol
to the Biological Weapons Convention, and Landmine Ban Treaty.
Even if the US never signs or ratifies
it, the FCTC will have a dramatic impact in the countries that
have the most to gain from preventing the further spread of tobacco
addiction--the countries of the Global South. Many of these
countries stood up to US bullying throughout the FCTC negotiation
process to ensure a strong treaty.
As President Bush continues to raise
millions of dollars a week from corporate fat cats, the world
will be watching to see how strong Republican ties to Philip Morris/Altria
will influence the ratification process. The good news is that
with or without US participation, the global playing field is
changing dramatically for Big Tobacco. The countries of Africa,
Southeast Asia, the Middle East, the Pacific, and Caribbean Islands
are leading the way.
Homeland Insecurity
The Council on Foreign Relations
estimates the cost of occupying Iraq with 75,000 troops at $20
billion a year. But the real cost is likely to be higher since
we have 125,000 troops in Iraq now. How long they will be there
is any body's guess. If the Iraq war adds to the growing
deficit, so does the fact that under Rumsfeld's command
the Pentagon has somehow lost track of $1 trillion worth of materiel.
According to a study from the GAO, conducted late last year, those
losses include 56 planes, 32 tanks, and 36 Javelin cruise missile
command launch units. Then there are the little things, like the
cost of blowing up Saddam's bunker. Bush said he had to start
the war early on March 20 so as to kill Saddam, his sons, and
other top officials at a secret meeting in a bunker. According
to reports last week, that bunker did not exist. But consider
what it cost, according to estimates by an analyst at the Center
for Arms Control and Non- Proliferation:
Two
stealth fighters, at $1,500 an hour each for three hours: $9,000
Two
Navy Prowlers as escort, at $4,000 an hour. Total for three hours:
$24,000
Two
bunker-buster bombs, at $60,000 a pop. Total: $120,000
Two
Tomahawk missiles, at $750,000 to $1 million each. Total: $2 million
The grand total? Somewhere between
$1.6 million and $2.2 million to take out a nonexistent bunker.
That might not seem like much, the way the Pentagon throws around
money, but it would pay for at least 1 million school lunches
(at $2.14 each) for kids from poor families.
--James Ridgeway,
The Village Voice
(NY), June 4-10, 2003, http://www.villagevoice.com/print/issues/0323/mondo1.php
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