| November 2001
American Friends Service Committee Peacework Magazine Patrica Watson, Editor Sara Burke, Assistant Editor Pat Farren, Founding Editor 2161 Massachusetts Ave. Telephone number: Fax number:
pwork@igc.org Peacework has been published monthly since 1972, intended to serve as a source of dependable information to those who strive for peace and justice and are committed to furthering the nonviolent social change necessary to achieve them. Rooted in Quaker values and informed by AFSC experience and initiatives, Peacework offers a forum for organizers, fostering coalition-building and teaching the methods and strategies that work in the global and local community. Peacework seeks to serve as an incubator for social transformation, introducing a younger generation to a deeper analysis of problems and issues, reminding and re-inspiring long-term activists, encouraging the generations to listen to each other, and creating space for the voices of the disenfranchised. Views expressed are those of the authors, not necessarily of the AFSC. |
"USA Patriot Act" Threatens Constitutional Rights Nancy Murray is director of the Bill of Rights Education Project of the Massachusetts ACLU. Back in 1917, as the US government was heading into the First World War, Rose Pastor Stokes wrote a letter to a St. Louis newspaper which stated: "I am for the people, and the government is for the profiteers." She was sentenced to ten years in prison for sedition.
After the war ended things didn't get much better as far
as civil liberties were concerned. The new fear was the threat
of "Bolshevism." The young J. Edgar Hoover was asked
by Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer to draw up a list of radicals
for the new FBI; he soon had a card index of 200,000 names. The
Attorney General then ordered raids on homes, meeting places,
pool halls, and bowling alleys in some 33 cities, resulting in
some 4000 arrests. Over 200 immigrants (possibly as many as 1000)
were deported. Here in Massachusetts, our Secretary of State Albert
P. Langtry stated about political radicals: "If I had my
way, I would take them out in the yard every morning and shoot
them, and the next day would have a trial to see whether they
were guilty." How the "USA Act" Threatens Rights That was the mentality then, Is it so different now, some 80 years later, as we face a war with no clear enemy and no foreseeable end? Are we prepared to put the Bill of Rights in cold storage, and wait until terrorism everywhere is over before trying to thaw it out?
The legislation defines "terrorism" in very broad terms, so broad that it could conceivably lead to a large-scale investigation of American citizens for engaging in civil disobedience. Anti-war protestors, for instance, could be labeled as conspirators in a terrorist plot. "Terrorism" could be applied to a range of criminal acts, from scrawling graffiti to computer hacking. The bill would permit the indefinite detention of non-citizens, even of those who have successfully challenged the government's effort to deport them. It would greatly expand the ability of the government to conduct secret searches in criminal investigations, and to have access to sensitive business records without even having to show evidence of a crime.
Under the legislation, there would be no meaningful judicial supervision
of federal telephone and Internet surveillance by law enforcement
agencies. It would permit the Attorney General and Secretary of
State to designate domestic groups as terrorist organizations,
and block any non-citizen who belongs to them from entering the
country. Simply paying membership dues to such an organization
could lead to deportation. The legislation would also open the
door to large-scale investigations of citizens for "intelligence"
purposes. Legitimate Security Measures Now I don't mean to imply that we should do nothing at all to improve security in the aftermath of September 11. Clearly some things make a lot of sense--like overhauling airport security. Like getting the FBI and CIA to shape up, to use the considerable powers they already have, to overcome their bureaucratic inertia and entrenched turf issues, and to stop dropping the ball. The extent of the intelligence failure is laid bare in an article by David Rose for the British newspaperThe Observer (re-printed in the Oct. 10 Guardian Weekly ). Rose states that for four years leading up to the September 11 attacks, the government of Sudan repeatedly offered security chiefs in the USA and UK "the chance to acquire a vast intelligence database on Osama bin Laden and more than 200 members of his al-Qaida terrorist network," including material about their financial interests and plans. They were also given "an opportunity to extradite or interview key Bin Laden operatives who had been arrested in Africa because they appeared to be planning terrorist atrocities." They refused all offers because the official US/UK policy was to keep Sudan at arms length. A senior CIA source told Rose: "This represents the worst single intelligence failure in this whole terrible business. It is the key to the whole thing right now. It is reasonable to say that had we had this data, we may have had a better chance of preventing the attacks." As for the FBI, revelations of what the agency has been doing in Boston should serve as a cautionary tale. It was recently revealed that FBI agents knowingly put four innocent men in prison--two served over 20 years and the other two died in prison. They collaborated with murderers, and never did find Whitey Bulger, their alleged target. In earlier decades the FBI brought us COINTELPRO (Counter Intelligence Program) aimed at disrupting anti-Vietnam War protests and the Civil Rights and Black Power Movements. No, agencies like the CIA and the FBI do not need the enhanced power to spy on citizens. The Attorney General does not need the unprecedented authority to incarcerate non-citizens indefinitely. What they do need is an enhanced respect for the Bill of Rights.
Postscript: On Oct. 26, President Bush is poised to sign
into law the USA Patriot Act, which was passed by the Senate
the day before by a vote of 98-1 (Senator Russ Feingold of Wisconsin
alone dissenting) and by the House on October 24 by 357-66.
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