WOZA, the acronym of Women of Zimbabwe Arise, is an Ndebele word meaning 'Come forward.' Now with a countrywide membership of over 35,000 women and men, WOZA was formed in 2003 to provide women from all walks of life with a united voice to speak out on issues affecting their day-to-day lives. Based on the principles of strategic nonviolence, through our actions, WOZA creates space to allow Zimbabweans to articulate issues they may be too fearful to raise alone.
Although Zimbabwe has a troubled history, both pre- and post-Independence, it has been in extended turmoil since the year 2000. The origin of the crisis lies in failed government policies, which have led to economic collapse and a devastating fall in the standards of living of the large majority of the population. As a result, civil society became stronger and more vibrant and a viable political opposition was formed, both of which began demanding change of both policies and political leadership.
The ruling party's response has been to revisit and intensify its repressive ways of the 1980s, to stifle any criticism, and to frustrate any organization not enjoying its blessing.
The denial of the right to social justice has motivated the women to become human rights defenders and to confront the government.
This report describes the violence that has been visited upon the members of WOZA, a movement founded in 2003 to create a voice for women to speak out about the injustices they encounter in their everyday struggle for survival. Starting from a determination to claim their right to freedom of expression, the women identified the following as their aims:
Working on the principles of strategic nonviolence, through peaceful civic actions, WOZA aimed to create space to allow Zimbabweans to articulate issues they have been too fearful to raise alone. Since its formation five years ago, WOZA has conducted over 100 demonstrations, peacefully marching on the streets to voice its displeasure with the political, economic, and social state of affairs in Zimbabwe. The denial of the right to social justice has motivated the women to become human rights defenders and to confront the government, demanding the internationally guaranteed rights to expression, assembly, education, health, and an adequate standard of living.
WOZA's hallmark message is given each year on Valentine's Day, when red roses are distributed and Zimbabweans are urged to choose love over the hate propaganda of the government.
The government of Zimbabwe, instead of addressing the issues that the women are protesting about, has responded by using brutal force and attacking anybody who engages in peaceful demonstrations and protests, even peaceful ones.
In mid-2007 research was carried out to establish the nature and extent of violence experienced by WOZA women at the hands of state agents.
Our findings show that women pay a dear price for taking on the role of human rights defenders. The death of one member, Maria Moyo, can be attributed to police action. She failed to recover after being abducted by police from her sick bed and kept in freezing conditions for over six hours while being threatened with drowning in Khami Dam.
WOZA women are of course not the only activists on the receiving end of police brutality in Zimbabwe. Opposition politicians, students, trade unionists, journalists, and members of other civil society organizations have likewise been victims, often subjected to even more horrifying treatment.
WOZA Members
WOZA membership ranges from young women to elderly women; the youngest interviewed was 16 years old and the oldest member interviewed was 91 years of age. The average age of the women was 40 years. Most of the WOZA women are not highly [formally] educated; 48% completed primary school whilst 31% managed to complete secondary school education. Only 1% of the women have completed 'A' level or attended college to obtain some form of diploma. Almost half [48%] of the women were married, followed by 23% who were single, and 21%, 5%, 4% were widowed, separated, and divorced respectively. The women on average are taking care of three children under the age of 18 in their households. WOZA's membership is spread across the country.
WOZA Actions
Street demonstrations take place on a regular basis, approximately every month. Each demonstration is accompanied by a flyer explaining the theme of the protest, whether it be the freedom to speak out, complaints over school fees, lack of services, shortages of basic goods, prices, or problems in accessing cash. Members gather at an agreed point and attempt to march with banners and distributing the flyers. Usually uniformed police stop them before they go more than two or three blocks, and the riot police are then summoned to disperse them. The women do not resist, and sit down to await arrest. On many occasions they have been violently dispersed, mainly by beating with batons or tear gas. Such demonstrations have taken place in Bulawayo, Harare, Gweru, Masvingo, Mutare and Insiza (Matabeleland South).
Arrests
Of the total interviewees, 1206 said they had been arrested at least once. This amounts to 61% of the total sample. Many have been arrested several times, including some of the leadership who count more than 20 arrests. It should be noted however that some of those leaders were not among the sample interviewed. The total number of arrests reported by 1983 respondents was 2359.
Violations experienced
The table on page 14 shows the number of interviewees reporting various types of violations. Note that the figures given do not show if an individual has experienced the abuse many times over.
In general, a large proportion of WOZA activists have suffered multiple violations, some of which caused serious injury, but most of which were intended not to kill or maim, but to frighten and to deter them from further participation in WOZA activities. Such intimidation has not been successful for the most part, but it can leave indelible scars.
Consequences of Civic Activism: Trauma
The majority of Zimbabweans, especially those of lower social status, have suffered multiple traumatic experiences over the past eight years. They have seen their living standards drop drastically, have experienced helplessness in the face of treatable disease, watched their children drop out of school or fail due to lack of teachers and resources. Many have had their livelihoods and their homes destroyed in Operation Muramñbatsvina in 2005. [Editors' note: In Operation "Drive Out Trash" the Mugabe regime bulldozed entire neighborhoods, focusing on areas which voted for the opposition. These assaults left an estimated 700,000 people without homes or jobs, according to the United Nations.] Most have experienced family disintegration through migration in search of work. Life has become a misery and a struggle for bare survival.
These experiences have been measured in this study by an item on trauma caused by "displacement." They are the substance of an ongoing social crisis in the context of which WOZA activism takes place. The women averaged 8.8 traumatic events experienced, including both displacement and organized violence. Secondly, the experience of trauma is greater in the post-independence period than before independence. Thirdly, the number of traumatic events experienced by the women has increased since 2000, with particular increases during election years. Fourthly, since 2005, and the subsequent collapse of the economy and all services, there has been a steady startling increase in the displacement experience.
The remarkable point to note about the women is that as a group they have persevered in spite of recurrent harassment and mistreatment. Of course there have been those who fell by the wayside, and those who could not resist the temptation of becoming police informers, but this has not deterred WOZA and has enabled them to build a strong core of committed, dedicated women prepared to suffer today for the sake of a brighter future for their children.
The remarkable point to note about the women is that as a group they have persevered in spite of recurrent harassment and mistreatment.
Furthermore, they have learned to stand up for their rights, and in doing so have learned to look their tormentors in the eye, seek out the human being behind the official mask and challenge them to claim their own rights too. What goes on within the police stations has many dimensions, not least the respect that WOZA women are building up amongst [many] police officers.
Gradually both the police and the general public are beginning to accept that WOZA women are not seeking to gain political power, but simply to encourage all Zimbabweans to have the moral courage to fight for their rights and to work towards the social justice for which the liberation war was fought. In this struggle they have gained enormous recognition and respect both within Zimbabwe, in the region, and in the international community. Peaceful protest, or, as WOZA puts it, "tough love," is clearly an appropriate response to the crisis in Zimbabwe.
As Zimbabwe enters a critical period in which some form of transition must come sooner or later to change the political landscape, WOZA continues to protest in the streets and continues to be abused by law enforcers.
The International Community
We appeal to the international community to recognize the contribution of WOZA members as human rights defenders, and assist us to document and publicize violations against us so that justice may be served in the future.
We further call on the international community to resist the Zimbabwe government's attempts to hoodwink the world about the situation in the country and the nature of our peaceful activities, and to find ways of bringing pressure to bear on the Zimbabwe government to stop the violence.
Transitional Justice
WOZA feels that in any transition from the current violent dictatorship towards a peaceful democracy it will be necessary to call to account those responsible for torture and other forms of partisan violence. We call on Zimbabweans and non-Zimbabweans alike to assist in putting into place a mechanism which satisfies the wishes of the Zimbabwean people to see not retribution, but justice, truth and reconciliation, so that the guilty can do penance and the victims can feel healed of the many wounds they have suffered at the hands of state agents.
WOZA hopes that this report will assist the process of creating a nonviolent society in Zimbabwe, where we can be free to live our lives and raise our families in an atmosphere of peace and prosperity.
Offense Number [n=1983]
Assault 832
Death threats 949
Forced to attend political meetings 1347
Humiliating and degrading treatment 1262
Insults by police officers 1254
Political threats 1544
Torture (physical) 647
Torture (mental) 732
Unlawful detention longer than 48 hours 741
Forced removal of underwear in custody 267
Links:
[1] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/forward/992
[2] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/print/992
[3] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/audio/play/1056
[4] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/authors/women-zimbabwe-arise
[5] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/issue-385-may-2008
[6] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/geography/africa/eastern-africa/zimbabwe
[7] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/category/1-wars-and-militarism/1-14-targeting-civilians
[8] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/category/4-nonviolent-action/4-05-social-non-cooperation/4-05-03-student-strikes
[9] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/category/4-nonviolent-action/4-07-economic-non-cooperation-strikes/4-07-01-worker-strikes
[10] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/taxonomy/term/294
[11] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/taxonomy/term/28
[12] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/taxonomy/term/145
[13] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/taxonomy/term/1119
[14] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/taxonomy/term/302
[15] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/taxonomy/term/306
[16] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/taxonomy/term/305
[17] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/taxonomy/term/308
[18] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/taxonomy/term/309
[19] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/taxonomy/term/312
[20] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/taxonomy/term/314
[21] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/category/5-countering-oppression-organizing-building-alternatives/5-04-legislative-and-electoral-iss
[22] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/taxonomy/term/291
[23] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/taxonomy/term/317
[24] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/taxonomy/term/324
[25] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/taxonomy/term/325
[26] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/category/5-countering-oppression-organizing-building-alternatives/5-07-countering-sexism-and-promoti
[27] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/taxonomy/term/333
[28] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/taxonomy/term/343
[29] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/category/5-countering-oppression-organizing-building-alternatives/5-13-countering-ageism-promoting-g
[30] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/taxonomy/term/381
[31] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/taxonomy/term/382
[32] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/category/5-countering-oppression-organizing-building-alternatives/5-13-countering-ageism-promoting-0
[33] http://www.afsc.org/store