Diversity is the Revolution: The Tharwa Manifesto for Nonviolent Change in the Middle East
Ammar Abdulhamid, a Syrian human rights activist now living in exile in the US, wrote the following manifesto, excerpted here. Tharwa means wealth in Arabic, and it sounds much like the Arabic thawra, meaning revolution. Tharwa's slogan is "Diversity Is Wealth." The Tharwa Foundation released the manifesto in early 2007. As of May 2008, it has been signed by 100 nonviolent human rights activists in the region. A majority are from, and still living in, Syria, but others live in Egypt, Turkey, Iraq, Lebanon, Morocco, Yemen, and Gaza. Tharwa activists in Syria work in decentralized teams throughout the country to document human rights abuses in their local area, work which they have not been able to conduct in the open since a crackdown in 2005.
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For all its ethnic diversity, the region, to which many refer alternatively as the Middle East, the Greater Middle East, and the Muslim World, among other inaccurate appellations, and to which we shall refer here as the Tharwa Commonwealth (an entity still in search of itself), has many common intrinsic problems that could lead most of its states to the brink of social and political disintegration and implosion at one point or another in the not-so-distant future, an event that will have serious reverberations and repercussions throughout the world.
Long-neglected problems within states, between states and between the region and the rest of the world are slowly but surely coming back to haunt its peoples, with the more prosperous states in the region being no less susceptible to their impact than the poorer ones. States outside the region may pay an equally heavy price, as their interests are threatened and their continued dabbling in the region gradually becomes more overt, problematic and, not simply unavoidable, but also addictive.
Nevertheless, and while international involvement in our region has historically hindered our ability to work for the attainment of our political and social goals, blaming "outsiders" entirely for our current problems is both delusional and counter-productive, not to mention somewhat hypocritical, as we are often unwilling to accept blame for what has been done in our name in the past, and continues to be done in our name today, in the pursuit of our perceived national interests. We have been equally unwilling to accept blame for what we tend to do to each other, which is often even more heinous than what is being done to us by "outsiders."
Due to the nature of the authoritarian, corrupt and inept regimes that govern most of our states, the struggle for development is indeed enmeshed with the struggle for democratization, and due to the interconnectedness of the modern world and the continuous dabbling of international powers in our affairs, and our tendency to export some of our problems at least to the outside world through migration and terrorism, the struggle that eventually imposes itself on the scene is indeed three-pronged: a struggle for development, a struggle for democratization, and a struggle for a greater and fairer share in global decision-making processes. For this reason, our struggle cannot take place in isolation from the world, and must, in fact, involve actors from outside the region.
National liberation and sovereignty should no longer be our main concern -- there are much bigger stakes. No, this does not mean that we have to give up on the struggle for liberating occupied lands in our region. Nor does it mean that we should ignore the various conflicts raging in it, fueled, in part, by national aspirations. Indeed, we simply cannot afford to do that. Rather, by assigning a somewhat secondary status to the causes of national liberation, we mean to underscore the need for avoiding the adoption of an all-or-nothing mentality in these cases, so as not to risk settling for nothing, and so as to avoid having the conflicts drag on for long periods of time, draining our scarce national resources, and providing ruling regimes with the necessary excuses to avoid addressing our serious developmental problems and the need for drastic political, economic and social reforms.
Promoting Principled Nonviolence
Moreover, our choice of methods is of paramount importance in this regard, as relying on violent tactics will continue to undermine our ability to build the stable and viable institutions and structures needed to develop and modernize our societies.
Managing this situation requires an unlikely yet necessary mixture of short-term pragmatism and long-term idealism. The peoples of the region need to be educated and empowered through the gradual introduction of a different revolutionary zeal ñ one based on a strong commitment to humanist values, democratic principles, and nonviolence. The adoption of this mind-set will be the first step toward offsetting the impact of radical ideologies (justified, for the most part, on religious bases), and in bridging the trust and awareness gaps separating the region's civil leaders and rights and democracy advocates from the wider citizenry.
In this, the Tharwa Philosophy should not be introduced as some sort of a new ideology, even if dressed in a liberal garb. Rather, the Tharwa Philosophy should represent a new frame of mind characterized by openness to difference and the need for constant revision of our goals and stands in a continuous attempt at reworking our priorities in accordance with the spirit of pragmatism and without losing sight of our declared principles, ideals, and goals. Indeed, we need to constantly challenge ourselves as well as our peoples into changing their/our ways, mores and values.
Moreover, we have to approach our struggle in the spirit of hope, love and magnanimity. Hate will not facilitate our integration into the fabric of modern civilization. On the contrary, it will render it impossible. The cause of integration requires a higher sense of appreciation of the benefits of modern civilization, and a stronger commitment to its ethical foundations, even if we feel victimized at times by the very peoples, powers and states that claim to be the founders and early adherents of these principles. In fact, our resilience should be amply demonstrated during such times to show that our commitment to these ideals is true, strong and deep, not merely tactical.
In our struggle to empower ourselves, we need to become the moral leaders with influence not only in our part of the world, but all over the world. This is the only way we can be credible. This is the only way we can be effective. This is the only way for us to succeed.
The Tharwa Manifesto
* We believe that the Tharwa Commonwealth belongs to all its peoples, regardless of their ethnicity, religious background and social status.
* We believe that our strength in the Commonwealth lies in our diversity and in finding suitable ways to improve and strengthen communal interrelations, and suitable accommodations for the needs and aspirations of the various constituent communities in our midst.
* We believe in the rule of law, in the equality of all under the law, and in responsible, accountable, democratic governance.
* We believe in the freedom of all people to political, artistic, and literary expression.
* We believe in development and education as the keys to social and political empowerment.
* We believe in the right of civil society leaders to take an active part in shaping the future of the Commonwealth.
* We believe that we are entitled to a fairer share in the global decision-making process and that the most convincing way to achieve this empowerment lies in the emphasis on development and education.
* We believe that the responsibility for peacemaking and conflict resolution in the Commonwealth rests primarily on our shoulders and that the role of the international community lies in supporting and helping to guide our activities and efforts in this regard in accordance with existing international laws and conventions, not in imposing their solutions on us.
* We believe that, while we have every right to fight for the independence and liberation of our occupied lands, we should be mindful that our national causes not be hijacked by the ruling regimes and their propped-up liberation movements for the sake of justifying their continued oppression, and that our methods not endanger the cause of developing our countries and societies.
* We believe in extending a hand of friendship to peoples across the world in order to empower ourselves and press our governments to adopt better, more enlightened, policies with regard to our interaction and intermingling.
* We believe in the necessity of establishing regional institutions,
organizations and networks that can help us address our various
developmental challenges in coordination with like-minded international
institutions and organizations.
To Get Involved:
Write to imprisoned Syrian Human Rights activists via the Tharwa Foundation, www.tharwacommunity.org, and/or donate to their needy families.
Donate to help create a regional satellite TV station dedicated to promoting human rights activism and airing mini-documentaries by activists and citizen journalists espousing the philosophies and practices of nonviolence.
Donate digital cameras and/or up-to-date computer equipment to Tharwa.
Become an intern, or a virtual intern, with Tharwa.
If you are traveling to the region, meet with Tharwa activists.
